By Priya Sharma — Senior Fintech Reporter
Iran Just Became a Monarchy Again and Every Think-Tank in Washington Is Pretending Not to Notice
A supreme leader installed his own son as successor and the foreign policy establishment's response was four op-eds about 'cautious engagement.' These people cannot be helped. They can only be replaced.
Opinion
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I need to get something off my chest before the foreign policy establishment buries this under seventeen layers of diplomatic euphemism: Iran just crowned a prince. That is what happened. The Islamic Republic — the revolution that explicitly, violently, as a matter of founding ideology, destroyed a monarchy because dynastic rule was an affront to God and the people — has just installed the supreme leader's son as his successor. The mullahs did a monarchy. They literally did a monarchy. And I am supposed to take seriously a system that has the self-awareness of a dog chasing its own tail in a room full of mirrors.
Mojtaba Khamenei. Let me tell you about Mojtaba Khamenei. This is a man whose entire career has been spent in the darkest corners of the regime's security architecture — VAJA, the intelligence service that hunts Iranian dissidents across continents; the IRGC's financial networks that launder sanctions money through shell companies in Dubai and Ankara; the proxy militia funding pipelines that keep Hezbollah in rockets and the Houthis in drones. His CV doesn't read like a politician's résumé. It reads like a prosecution brief at The Hague. His hobbies include making opposition figures disappear and moving money that was supposed to buy schoolbooks into accounts that buy missiles. But sure, let's hear what the Council on Foreign Relations thinks about his "governing philosophy."
And right on cue — genuinely, I could have set a timer — within 72 hours of the announcement, I counted no fewer than four op-eds in allegedly serious publications floating the possibility that Mojtaba might represent a "pragmatic evolution" of the regime. One — one! — used the phrase "cautious grounds for optimism." I want to find the person who wrote that phrase, sit them down, and make them explain it to the face of every Iranian woman who's been beaten, imprisoned, or killed for the crime of existing in public without a headscarf. Cautious grounds for optimism. Absolute weapons-grade delusion.
The foreign policy establishment's addiction to the "new leader, new chance" narrative isn't just wrong. It's a psychological condition. It's a coping mechanism that allows comfortable people in comfortable offices in Washington and London to avoid confronting the reality that some regimes are simply, irredeemably, structurally evil and that the only morally coherent response is to say so clearly, loudly, and without diplomatic hedging. They did this with every Soviet leader — "maybe this one's different" — until the whole thing collapsed under the weight of its own absurdity. They did it with Xi Jinping, who was briefly and hilariously marketed as a Chinese Gorbachev by people who clearly had not read a single thing he'd ever written. They did it with Mohammed bin Salman, who got eighteen months of "young reformer" coverage before he had a journalist dismembered in a consulate and everyone had to pretend they hadn't spent the previous year publishing fawning profiles.
Mojtaba is not a reformer. He is not a technocrat. He is not an unknown quantity. He is a surveillance operative with a family business to protect and a security apparatus to maintain, and the IRGC signed off on his appointment for the same reason any board of directors signs off on a new CEO: he won't threaten the shareholders' interests. Iran is a military-industrial conglomerate with a theocratic brand identity, and the shareholders just installed a friendly face in the corner office.
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